Decision on Alphabet Changes in Central Asia
The hegemony of Persian script in Central Asia was broken by the Bolsheviks, and this initiative was carried out as part of the formation of a new society. In the initial phase of the Bolshevik victory in Russia, they decided to elevate the status of local languages, which was referred to as the “indigenization policy.”
The Bolsheviks were convinced that this initiative would help further spread their political ideas. For this reason, they achieved success in implementing this project in countries such as Armenia and Georgia.
One of the reasons for their success in implementing this policy in these two countries was the ethnic and linguistic homogeneity of the populations of these republics. However, after expanding their power into Central Asia and considering a number of factors, they changed their policy.
In 1921, the All-Russian Scientific Association of Oriental Studies was established in Russia, which was subordinate to the Central Committee of the Communist Party. In 1923, less than a year after the founding of the Soviet Union, the ruling authority concluded that the indigenization policy would not succeed in the context of the ethnic and national diversity of Central Asia, especially since some nationalities were created by the Soviet authorities themselves in accordance with political goals, without sufficient social and historical prerequisites for their formation. For this reason, they decided to end the indigenization policy in Central Asia. On the other hand, if this “fact” was a good pretext for destroying the hegemony of the Persian alphabet in Central Asia, even the “Great Game” between imperial Russia and England pursued this goal.
In 1924, the Association of Latin Script for Turkic Writings was created, which was subordinate to the Association of Orientalists. Two years after its establishment, in 1926, a decision was made to change the alphabet of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the Soviet Union to Latin script. At that time, Tajiks were also included in this program.
One of the supporters and active proponents of the Latin alphabet throughout the Soviet Union was Anatoly Lunacharsky, who at that time held the position of People’s Commissar for Education of the USSR. In his article “Latinization of the Russian Script,” published in 1930, he explained the goals of this reform in the Muslim republics of the Soviet Union:
“The Muslim peoples of the East, who historically adopted the Arabic script, have suffered greatly from this circumstance. The script of ancient Arabic literature adapted to the corresponding conditions of culture and could hardly reflect the new culture.”
He also argued that this script distances the peoples of the East from European culture and contributes to their backwardness. Furthermore, Lunacharsky emphasized that the Arabic alphabet serves as a means to hinder any progress and was supported by all reactionary classes, especially the clergy.
The authorities of the Soviet Union officially stated that they were undertaking this initiative for the development of society, in particular, to bring Soviet society closer to European culture, freeing these peoples from the control of the clergy who govern them. However, according to Kyrgyz historian and philosopher Elery Bitikchi, the change of the alphabet was viewed by the Bolsheviks as an important part of the cultural revolution and a broader program of societal transformation.
Moreover, the connection of this alphabet with the faith of Muslims greatly concerned the ruling Bolsheviks. However, they concealed their anxiety under the guise of political propaganda, promoting the rapprochement of these peoples with European culture, thereby wanting to keep these peoples under the control of a unified ideology.
On the other hand, they feared the spread of pan-Turkism and Jadidism, as well as the strengthening of anti-revolutionary movements. In this regard, they abandoned the policy of indigenization in Central Asia.
Before the issue of changing the script became a subject of serious discussion, there was also the idea of reforming the Persian-Arabic alphabet and its use. The authorities of some republics opposed the replacement of the script. In particular, the Kazakhs and Tatars were unwilling to abandon the traditional alphabet. Representatives of these peoples believed that the Persian-Arabic script should be improved and modernized, rather than banned. Unlike the Kazakhs and Tatars, Azerbaijan positively received the initiative to abandon the Persian-Arabic alphabet and switch to a new script.
Thus, the Soviet power, which considered the Arabic script remnants of religiosity for societal use, completely banned the use of this script in all corners of the Soviet country in 1929. In 1930, the first Latin alphabet for Tajikistan was prepared, most of which was based on Abdurova Fitrat and Alexander Arnoldovich Freiman.
Thus, supporters of the writing reform in the Muslim republics of the Soviet Union, backed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party, emerged victorious. In accordance with this policy, the All-Union Central Committee of the new Turkic alphabet was established in 1927, and in 1929, the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR adopted a resolution “On the new Latinized alphabet of the peoples of Arabic script of the USSR”.
The Fate of the Persian Alphabet in Tajikistan
Tajik historian Nurali Davlat writes that after the Turkologists’ congress in Baku, the issue of changing the alphabet became one of the most discussed topics among the Tajik intelligentsia.
“Tajik newspapers and magazines — ‘Rahbari Donish’, ‘Bedorii Tojik’, ‘Ovazi Tojik’ — actively engaged in the propaganda and popularization of the Latin alphabet. Among the supporters of this initiative were almost all the well-known representatives of the Tajik intelligentsia of that time. Support for the transition to Latin script came from Sadriddin Ayni, Abdurauf Fitrat, Rahim Hashim, Bakhriiddin Azizi, Bektosh, Manofzoda Sobit, Bakhrom Sirus, and many others,” he writes.
However, according to the historian, today it is difficult to determine who among these representatives of the intelligentsia supported Latinization out of their own conviction and who did so out of fear or under the pressure of the political circumstances of that time.
Thus, the Soviet authorities, which considered Arabic script remnants of the clergy for controlling society, completely banned the use of this script throughout the Soviet Union in 1929. In 1930, the first Latin alphabet for Tajikistan was prepared, most of which was authored by Abdurauf Fitrat and part by Alexander Arnoldovich Freiman.
Return to Cyrillic
This policy of the Soviet authorities ended in failure, as although the Bolsheviks achieved success in implementing their goals in Central Asia, the social strata of the northern part of the Soviet Union, the lack of specialists, and the widespread use of the Russian alphabet led to the collapse of this program in that part of the Soviet Union.
For this reason, as early as 1936, most of the Soviet Union began to return to Cyrillic.
On the other hand, in the late 1930s, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin was in power, and his policies significantly differed from Lenin’s policies. Although Lenin was also an advocate for changing the alphabet throughout the Soviet Union, he did not want this process to be executed too quickly to avoid accusations against the Bolsheviks of destroying existing cultural traditions. At the same time, he viewed the spread of local languages as the right of these peoples.
However, the more radical Stalin wanted the power to be more centralized. For this reason, he not only canceled all of Lenin’s policies regarding the gradual change of the alphabet but also initiated the return to Cyrillic in 1936, starting in Kabardino-Balkaria.
Moreover, on March 13, 1938, a decision was made by the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR Vyacheslav Molotov and the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Joseph Stalin to introduce mandatory Russian language education in all general education schools of the Soviet Union.
It is noteworthy that the resolution stipulated mandatory Russian language education for students of non-Russian schools in the Soviet Union starting from the second grade. However, according to this resolution, Russian was taught in schools in Georgia from the third grade.
Despite this, it was clear that the entire country would transition not only to one alphabet but also to one language, as this decision had been made back in 1933.
Since this decision was primarily political in nature, any opposition to it ended tragically. For example, in 1937, when employees of the Central Committee of the All-Union New Alphabet expressed dissatisfaction with the center’s decision to accelerate the change of the alphabet in the shortest possible time, this committee was dissolved, and its members were executed. Therefore, everyone feared opposing or expressing dissatisfaction with these decisions.
Thus, in 1941, the completion of the transition to Cyrillic was announced in the Soviet Union.
As early as the beginning of 1938, discussions began in Tajikistan regarding the creation of a Tajik alphabet based on Cyrillic. It is noteworthy that just nine years earlier, it was asserted that Latin script would bring the peoples of Central Asia closer to European culture. However, in 1938, linguists from the Tajik sector of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR concluded that the Latin alphabet would hinder the further cultural development of the Tajik people. In this regard, that same year, an advisory council was convened on the issue of changing the alphabet, allegedly at the request of the people.
A year after the formation of the council, in 1939, at one of the congresses, active teachers from Tajikistan allegedly collectively appealed to the republic’s leadership with a request to expedite the transition from Latin script to Russian.
Following this, in May 1940, the sixth session of the Supreme Soviet of the Tajik SSR took place, which adopted the law “On the Transition of Tajik Writing from Latinized to the New Tajik Alphabet Based on Russian Graphics.”
On July 1, 1940, the Tajik Cyrillic alphabet was published in print, and from September 1941, it was officially introduced for use. Since then, this writing system has maintained its dominant position in society, which, as is often emphasized, possesses ancient cultural traditions.
The Victory of the Persian Alphabet in the Perestroika Era
The authorities of the Soviet Union not only changed the alphabet but also altered the norms of the Persian language in Tajikistan and referred to it as the Tajik language.
However, it is impossible to detail all the changes that have occurred in the language, writing, and alphabet over the past century within a single article. Therefore, we will not write about the problems created in the Persian language during the Soviet era and in the era of independence. Instead, we will only mention the revival of the intelligentsia in the 1980s, when the movement for the recognition of the Tajik language as the state language began.
This revival movement was initiated in early 1988 by Muhammadjon Shakuri Bukhoro.
According to his testimony, cited in the book “Okanada az hayat,” this movement originated in Moscow. However, the publication of an article by Mirbobo Mirrahim titled “How long will the water flow under the ice?” caused a wide public resonance in the republic and awakened a sense of national dignity among many representatives of the intelligentsia. Following this, a large number of figures in science and culture published works in support of the idea of granting the Tajik language the status of a state language.
Studying the press materials from the perestroika period shows that the Tajik intelligentsia was divided into two camps on this issue: one part actively supported the Tajik language, while the other opposed this initiative.
Since the Gorbachev perestroika had already begun in the Soviet Union, despite significant pressure from the KGB and opposition from this key Soviet agency to granting the Tajik language state status, the movement was not halted. As a result, in the summer of 1989, the Tajik language was officially proclaimed the state language.
Cyrillic Instead of Persian in the Era of Independence
In the introduction and the first article of the Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan regarding the state language from 1989, this language is referred to as the Tajik language. However, the word “forsī” (Persian) was placed in parentheses. Although this law did not mention the teaching of Persian writing, at that time, the teaching of this script was promoted, and interest in learning it also increased. Many residents of Tajikistan, both men and women, spent money to learn this alphabet. The goal of learning Persian writing was to transition to it, although no official decision had been made regarding this at that time.
However, this initiative was not brought to completion, and 20 years after the adoption of this law, the government began to amend it.
In 2009, a new language bill was proposed in the country’s parliament by the President of Tajikistan. The word “forsī” (Persian) was not included.
During the discussion of the bill, a parliament member and leader of the PIVT, Mukhiddin Kabiri, proposed that the word “forsī” (Persian) be retained in this law. However, the authorized representative of the president in parliament and his legal advisor, Sherkhon Salimzoda, stated in 2009 at the same meeting that Mukhiddin Kabiri’s proposal had no legal basis. Thus, the word “forsī” was crossed out from the country’s legislation.
It is important to note that in 2009, the possibility of freedom of religion emerged in Tajikistan. That year, the law of the Republic of Tajikistan “On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations” was adopted.
Since the Persian alphabet was considered official in Afghanistan and Iran, two countries where the same language is spoken as in Tajikistan, but which had a religious regime in power, the teaching of the Persian language in Tajikistan, just like in 1929, was seen as associated with religion. For this reason, public interest in this alphabet sharply declined. Even students who studied in Iran at non-religious universities returned home under pressure from the authorities. In 2011, the situation worsened further. The authorities of Tajikistan banned more than 70 teachers from leaving for Iran to improve their qualifications in teaching Persian writing.
The Ministry of Education and Science of Tajikistan did not officially comment on this message. However, the Iranian embassy in Dushanbe reported that they had done everything necessary on their part to send teachers to Iran for professional development, but due to the official ban from the Tajik government, this trip for the teachers to Iran was canceled.
Thus, the events of 2015 in Tajikistan, especially after the rebellion of Abduhalim Nazarzoda and the accusations of ties between the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan and Iran, led to a radical change in the situation. Tajikistan and Iran almost completely severed relations. In this context, during the celebration of Tajik Language Day in 2019, which the President of Tajikistan moved from July 22 to October 5, coinciding with his birthday, he stated that our language is called Tajik. While before the October Revolution, this language was referred to as Persian.
However, as part of the further formation of its own historical concept, President Rahmon attempted to put an end to the use of the term “Persian language” in relation to the Tajik language, similar to what the King of Afghanistan Zahir Shah did in 1965. Discussions on this issue among researchers and linguists continue to this day.
During this period, the authorities of Tajikistan made sharp statements against Iran, and all educational institutions under the control of the Iranian embassy in Tajikistan were closed. At the same time, in 2022, five Russian schools opened for Tajik students in the country. In addition, Emomali Rahmon declared 2023 as the “Year of the Russian Language” in Tajikistan. The Russian language in Tajikistan is a tool through which colonial policies continue to spread.
Conclusion
History shows that many of Rahmon’s statements and political positions are primarily political in nature, that is, determined by the interests of his power in Tajikistan and populism.
For example, he sometimes boasted that Tajikistan is the only country in Central Asia where a religious party operates. However, today this party has become a source of concern for him, and he considers it a terrorist organization.
Or another example: after a conference on Imam Abu Hanifa was widely held in Tajikistan, the authorities intensified pressure on believers and began promoting campaigns in support of “mini-skirts.”
Recently, Iran was accused of sponsoring terrorism, referred to as a “well-known country,” but lately it has again been called a “brotherly country.”
Of course, we do not mean that relations between Tajikistan and Iran should not be good; we believe that Rahmon has not maintained a consistent and unchanging political line throughout his rule.
Therefore, it is unlikely that his recent directive will be implemented in practice and that Tajikistan will switch to Persian script. After all, neither his family members nor most of his officials are proficient in this script, and changing the alphabet essentially means a change in power.
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